Skip to main content
In a retrospective article on the Russian-Georgian conflict, Lewellyn Rockwell discusses Washington's attempt to resurrect WWI-era rhetoric. He quotes a 1915 book written by Francis Neilson, "How Diplomats Make War":

"During a war it is no easy task to prevent your sympathy clouding your reason. The whole social system seems to be organized against any individual attempt to concentrate the attention dominantly upon the causes of the war. Governments, churches, theatres, the press, and local authorities, direct their efforts, in the main, warwards; the whole thought of society and commerce seems to be occupied with war; and all desire to question the reasons given by statesmen for participating in the war must be suppressed. It has been ruled already by certain 'leaders of thought' that it is unwise, unpatriotic, and un-English, to suspect the motives of Governments, or waver for a moment in swearing wholehearted allegiance to the authorities: you must think only of the war. If you dare ask for the truth, you are helping the enemy; if you suggest an early peace, you are hindering the militarists who desire no peace until their enemy is utterly crushed. Insidious, bewildering, and plausible, are the reasons given by statesmen and journalists for inflicting a humiliating defeat; without it, they tell us we must not hope for disarmament. No patriot is supposed to ask if disarmament is at all probable. No one must ask if a single statesman really believes such a blessing will follow if the enemy be annihilated."

What is particularly interesting about this Russian-Georgian conflict is that it is ultimately about preventing secession - the Georgians attempting to prevent South Ossetia, Abkhazia and other provinces from seceding. I am particularly interested in the link between pacifism and secession.

Ask yourself, if a nation has to use military force to keep a political region unified, isn't that an indication that there's something wrong? You could argue that there may be moral imperatives that justify use of military force to maintain unification, as in the Civil War, but there are serious complications with this position. Should any state have the right to make war on any other state for perceived immoral activities? If so, and states acted on this right, the world would be in a constant state of war. Even more important, if governments have a duty to use military force, if necessary, to prevent the violation of certain moral principles (as in the case of slavery), should they not apply this right consistently or not at all? If the state only punished murderers of a certain race, we would consider this unjust - the government doesn't have a right to not punish certain criminals on the basis of some arbitrary metric, such as race. If the US government has a moral duty to prevent the occurrence of slavery, then by what standard of justice do we apply this moral duty only to certain states (e.g. the Confederacy) but not others?

In short, if a smaller body politic wishes to secede from a larger body, I cannot think of any good moral justification for the use of military force. Every such artificial unification is ultimately imperialistic in nature. It seems to me that pacifists need to rethink their (usual) support for ever more centralized governments and ask whether every local region should have the right to peaceably and without molestation secede from the larger political organization to which they belong. If so, then pacifists should oppose US support of Georgia (and the implied threat of military force to protect her) and her oppression of the South Ossetians and Abkhazians who simply wish to live in their own, independent state. They speak different languages, for goodness sake.

As an aside, I think that a crucial element of human psychology on which imperial resistance to secession depends is the hubristic conviction of most individuals that they - or their identity group - know the way it oughtta be. If people just did things our way, why, there wouldn't be so many problems in the world. It's OK that my nation subjugates other, more ignorant and backward nations because we are tutoring them on how to run a civilized, decent human society. The Romans said exactly the same thing.

So, to those who oppose war (who doesn't oppose war?), I ask: How do you justify the use of military force to prevent secession? I just don't see it.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Constitution has gone to the dogs

Actually, it should have gone to the dogs, but didn't. I'm talking about  Leona Helmsley's estate , of course. The contract clause of the Constitution says, "No State shall ... pass any ... Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts..." This means that private contracts cannot be changed by legislative edict. This clause is incredibly important because the willingness of private individuals to engage in profitable enterprise - which is the foundation of social welfare - crucially depends on their belief that they can realize a profit. In turn, their belief that they can realize a profit depends on their belief that they can hold parties to a contract liable to the terms in the contract. For example, lenders must have confidence that they can repossess the collateral for a loan if the loan is defaulted on. Otherwise, they will not take the risk of giving the loan in the first place. When lenders are too scared to lend, everyone is worse off. In the case of Leona Hel...
So, I spent all weekend watching JFK assassination videos and doing armchair JFK assassination research. Here are my notes: 1) Most of the debate seems to rage around trying to get evidence or proof that JFK's assassination was a conspiracy. This is silly because it grants - from the outset - the bizarre assumption made by the official theories that political figures are as likely to die at the hands of "mad attention-seekers" as they are to be assassinated by their enemies who actually stand to benefit. How many people are insane enough to think that the electric chair is a fair trade for "being remembered" by history, even if in infamy? And of those people how many are resourceful enough to pierce the security perimeter of the President of the United States? Kennedy was threatened by Richard Pavlick in 1960 after Nixon lost the election and, by all accounts, Pavlick was a lone nut. But all we know of his "assassination attempts" are his own tall tale...

What Law Is

Law What is law? Frederic Bastiat, in his treatise The Law, defines law as the collective use of force. As much as I love Bastiat’s treatise, I think his definition is not sufficiently analytical. It is certainly the case that the law plays a role in the collective use of force but the law is something more basic than this. We can begin by looking at law as it is today. The website for the Oregon courts has an excellent summary [1] of modern law and courts. I will quote it at length: Throughout history, people have had disputes and have needed some means to settle their disputes. As civil societies develop, they need an orderly system of conflict resolution. One system that developed in "western" cultures is the "law court" or court of law. In England, those early law courts developed a "body of law" called the common law, which defined both the rights of the people and the government and the duties people owe each other and their government. T...